Typically, the state government passed along the line of inheritance. Yet coup d'etats took place fairly frequently even in those olden days. How do you think the Ruriks came to power? We had initiative Olegs, reckless Igors and brave Svyatoslavs in our midst.

However, the state developed most during the reigns of Volodymyr the Great and Yaroslav the Wise.

Following Roman's death in 1205, his two sons, Danylo and Vasylko, were to become his legal heirs. However, not everything went as planned. It was the Galician boyars who held power for a long time. After long clashes, the brothers established themselves in Volhynia, and in 1237 the elder finally began to rule in Galicia. Eventually, the descendants of Romanovych dynasty took control over Kyiv.

By the way, concerning the Mongol invasion. The Prince fiercely fought the invaders and even at the time of a full enslavement, he managed to save his authority, being one of the first who received a shortcut on the reign from Batu Khan. In 1239, Danylo obtained the title “King of the Rus” from the Pope Innocent IV, and 14 years later he was crowned in Dorohochyn, which is now a territory of modern Poland. Albeit, the ties with Vatican were soon cut. The next crowned Ukrainian was Danylo’s grandson, but this now is a completely different story.

They initiated the invitations to the council and, by contrast, launched some serious coup d'état. Doesn’t it remind you of something? This disunity, in particular, occurred as the result of political fragmentation of Rus’. And even though the cases of arbitrary actions had place on the territories of all then princedoms, as in, for example, Kyiv or Chernihiv ones, it was the Galician boyars who were spoiled the most. Only in 1245 King Danylo managed to finally eliminate the boyars opposition.

Since one of the reasons for Cossacks' appearance was political discontent, the system those people created was built on democratic foundations. Each of them had his own piece of land and a right to vote, however, not everything from this list was applied to women.

It was convened twice a year, in January and October, in order to resolve the most important for the community issues: announcement of a military campaign, distribution of farmlands, elections of the Koshovyi Otaman and the Cossack officers. The Sich army was subdivided into hens which, in turn, were subdivided into regiments, then into groups of militants consisting of 10 and 100 people, where each group had their own commander. Priests had a big influence in the Cossack state, since faith was one of the most important aspects of Cossacks' life. By the way, it is exactly why on the Day of Intercession of the Holy Virgin we honor our defenders.

The democratic order and free life of the Cossacks caused quite a bewilderment. With each year it developed more and more into traditions of the political culture. However, there were the ones against it: for Moscow tsars - and over time emperors - freedom was unacceptable and it was more convenient to think of the Cossacks as “drunkards and hooligans”. If Hetmanate - a Cossack state formed as a result of the liberation movement - made compromises and signed treaties, then the Sich Cossacks always remained independent.

The astonishing achievements of the Cossacks in 1648-49 and the support received in Kyiv led the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to sign the Treaty of Zboriv, which made the borders of the Zaporozhian Army pass through Kyiv, Chernihiv and Bratslav. However, in two years, the demarcation line narrowed to Kyiv Voivodeship alone.

However, the Khmelnytsky era became a starting point for a generation of distinguished military leaders, diplomats, and government officials who were committed to the unity and political ideal of the Ukrainian Cossack state.

The Hetmanate combined the best of the Cossack traditions developed in the Zaporozhian Sich with the political experience of parliamentarism acquired through defending its own privileges. Try to recall what Ukrainian presidents hold in their hands during their inauguration. The mace was once the most important symbol of the hetman's power, so it's still used during the oath. A patronage system was also evident: many hetmans and representatives of the starshynas {military officers or state officials} made generous donations to educational institutions and churches. The financing aided the growth of the book printing, architecture, jewelry, and handicraft industries. The heyday of the Baroque style, which also occurred during the Hetmanate, even had a separate name - "Cossack".

After Khmelnytsky's death, the differences between the Cossack officers became more intense. In 1667, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire actually divided the Hetmanate along the Dnipro into the Right-bank (Pravoberezhna) and the Left-bank (Livoberezhna) ones. The Truce of Andrusovo grossly violated the treaty between Cossacks and Moscow. Both Hetmans of the Left-bank, for example, Demian Mnohohrishny and Ivan Mazepa, and the Right-bank, namely Petro Doroshenko, fought against this.

However, their support didn’t truly become nationwide. Many officers received preferential treatment from suzerains and didn’t want to change anything. At the same time, descendants of the Cossacks continued to fight for sovereignty. One of them:

З усім тим нащадки козацьких родів продовжували боротьбу за державність. Згадаємо лише одного з них: Павло Скоропадський, що у 1918 році очолив Українську Державу, є родичем гетьмана Івана Скоропадського.

No, Stepan Bandera is still far ahead. Do you remember the very first proto-constitutional document that we have mentioned already? So, Hetman Pylyp Orlyk concluded the next one. Back then, he was in emigration in a Moldavian town Bendery, therefore the document was called like this. The Constitution of Orlyk outlined the relations between the Hetman and his senior officers, laid the foundations of Ukraine’s state system, rights and duties.

The Commonwealth government actively encouraged Polonization of Ukrainian lands. Occasionally, riots broke out in rural areas, but in cities, educated people reacted in their own specific ways. They rallied around fraternities that began to appear throughout Right Bank Ukraine: in Lviv and Lutsk, in Kyiv and Ostroh. These public organizations founded schools, published books, and supported original Ukrainian culture.

As early as 1576, he established the first higher education institution for Slavic peoples – The Ostroh Academy. The educational process was divided into triviums (three years) and quadriviums (four years). One could study grammar, rhetoric and dialectics, as well as arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy, respectively. Those were the “seven free sciences”. The students were also able to study Slavic, Polish, Old Hebrew, Greek and Latin languages. It was in the Ostroh Cultural Center where the most powerful Ukrainian publishing house of that time appeared – Cyrillic Typography of Ivan Fedorov (Fedorovych). The Greek-Slavic Primer (1578) - the first Ukrainian textbook; Andrij Rimsha’s Chronology (1581) - Ukraine's first printed poetry book; and the first Slavic-language Ostroh Bible (1581) among many others were all published here. Today, as a continuation of our ancestors’ traditions, the National University of Ostroh Academy is still in operation.

In 1805, the first higher education institution of Naddniprianshchyna (Dnipro region) was established in Kharkiv. The initiator of this project was a local nobleman Vasyl Karazin. Back then he served as the emperor’s advisor and managed to convince him in the necessity of a higher education institution in Malorussia’s province. Thus, Kharkiv University became the fifth open university in the Russian Empire; the only one older in Ukraine was Lviv. Thanks to this university, Sloboda Ukraine became a scientific center for the Ukrainian national movement

In 1834, in Kyiv a St. Volodymyr Imperial University started to function. The institution was initially planned as a center for spreading Russian ideology, but none of that worked. Since the middle of XIX century, the university became a center of the public opinion. Here the members of The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius studied and worked. Now this educational institution bears the name of Taras Shevchenko.

Also, a mention should be made of History of the Rus’. In this book, based on ancient sources, it was for the first time proven that Ukrainians are a separate people from Russians, that they have their own history, and that Rus’ is Ukraine and not Russia. The author of this work is unknown, but it is attributed to Heorhiy Konysky. Ukrainian researchers used History of the Rus’ as the foundation for their further historical works.

The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius - a secret political society was founded on January 6, 1846. Most of the participants were highly educated people: professors, university teachers, writers, in short, the Ukrainian intelligentsia. You are probably familiar with some of them, such as Mykola Kostomarov, Panteleimon Kulish, and Taras Shevchenko. Despite lasting only six months, this organization had its own purpose and program. The Books of the Genesis of the Ukrainian People are Kostomarov's detailed description of the brothers' ideas, which included spreading Ukrainian language, traditions, Christian values, and creating autonomy for all Slavic peoples. The latter, however, has undergone significant change throughout the organization's existence.

Heorhiy Andruzky advocated for an equal republic. He believed in the unification of all Slavic peoples on the outposts of the confederation, of course, without including Russia. Mykola Kostomarov and Panteleimon Kulish held more restrained views. They hoped to reform and democratize the structure of the Russian Empire. Their hopes, however, were blind.

The tsar soon found out about the righteous motives and naïve expectations of the young brothers. By spring 1847, all members of The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius were arrested and exiled. The most ruthlessness the authorities showed in persecuting Taras Shevchenko. He was forbidden to draw and write and after two months of being in the imperial chancellery, the court decided to send off the Kobzar {an itinerant Ukrainian bard who sang to his own accompaniment, played on a multistringed bandura or kobza} to the Far East. However, punishments did not end here. The views of Ukrainian intelligentsia in favor of autonomy and their initiative provoked a tremendous indignation in the circles of tsar’s elite. It became the impetus for a linguistic terror. As early as 1863, by the initiative of the Minister of Inner Affairs of the Russian Empire “The Valuev Circular” was published and named in his honor.

Thus, Ukrainian language came under a complete censorship. The linguocide was reinforced by new laws, and sometimes even by despicable attacks on its primordial identity. Ukrainian language was standardized by rewriting and russifying the words. However, the attempts to suppress the “separatist movement” failed to succeed. Concerned people rebelled against the intentions of authorities. Volunteers caused another wave of the cultural liberation movement to appear, creating hromadas {communities}.

There were many significant events from the very beginning of the liberation struggle to its logical completion. The years 1917-1922 were marked by an abundance of events that could have filled an entire multi-volume encyclopedia. So, let’s list the most significant ones:

During this short period, such figures as Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Symon Petliura, Pavlo Skoropadsky, Yevgen Petrushevych and many others fought for Ukrainian sovereignty. Unfortunately, the lack of unity between these prominent patriots did not let Ukraine preserve the independence they longed for.

Ultimately, internal contradictions led the young Ukrainian state to a catastrophe. Austria-Hungary, as a member of the Triple Alliance, capitulated to the Entente and collapsed. The victorious states did not pay attention to the state-building aspirations of Ukrainians and divided our lands among themselves. Transcarpathia {Zakarpattia Oblast’} was given to the newly created Czechoslovakia, Bukovyna – to Romania, Galicia – to Poland. At the same time, the Left- and Right-Bank Ukraine were left under Soviet occupation for decades.

When recalling the Ukrainian Revolution, it is difficult to avoid the event, which became one of the most prominent in our fight for sovereignty – The Act of Unification (or the Act of Zluky). On December 1, 1918, UPR and WUPR agreed to unite into an independent state. Within a month, republican councils ratified the treaty and on January 22, 1919 on Sofia Square in Kyiv, the creation of a united and independent Ukrainian People’s Republic was solemnly proclaimed by the Directory’s manifest. Even though back then the state had existed only until autumn, the Act of Unification between UPR and WUPR is a symbolic act of restoring the unity of Ukraine’s lands, which became one of the most important events in Ukrainian history.

By the way, in 1990, for the anniversary of the Act of Unification the first “Human Chain” (Live chain) took place, which later became a tradition for the annual Day of Unity of Ukraine, which we also celebrate on January 22.

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was created by Lenin, the leader of the Russian Communists, on December 30, 1922. Initially, it comprised the Russian, Belarusian, Transcaucasian, and Ukrainian "republics," and later others. In reality, the Union was not much different from its predecessor, the Russian Empire. Even though the state constitution declared that all peoples were free and entitled to separation, it existed only on paper. The totalitarian apparatus, repression, and strict control were integral parts of the USSR. However, instead of the king, the rules were now dictated by the Communist Party.

As Ukrainian's thirst for freedom remained unquenched, the Communist Party sought to assert its influence once and for all. A policy of "indigenization" was pursued in 1923: national languages of the republics gained official status, the percentage of Ukrainians, Belarusians, and others among party figures increased, and ideological oppression in the cultural sphere declined. During this time, an abundance of artists emerged in Ukraine, and Kharkiv - the former capital of the USSR - became the cultural center. Talented writers, poets, painters, and other artists populated the city. Today, the works of these artists are considered part of a national revival. However, this did not last long.

Stalin's accession to power in 1929 established a totalitarian regime in the USSR. Political oppression and prosecution returned with renewed vigor. A system of Gulag prisons was set up across the Union, and an atmosphere of intimidation prevailed. Historians count three waves of Stalinist repressions, and the "Shakhty Trial" is considered their beginning. In the years of the Great Purge, everyone fell victim to the destructive apparatus of the totalitarian system: government officials, workers, peasants, and even children. The fate of Ukrainian artists also remained unfortunate.

In 1930 in Kharkiv, the “Slovo” Building (Word House/House of Writers) was built. It received its name not only because of its façade, resembled the letter “C” from the top view, but also because of its residents. A cooperative of writers, who had to huddle in rented rooms, appealed to the authorities with the initiative of building this dwelling. This house became a place for union of the most progressive artists of that time who became neighbors one day. Among them were Ivan Bahrianyi, Mykola Khvylovy, Mykola Kulish, Ostap Vyshnya, Mykhailo Yalovy and many others. It is interesting to know what the fate of those writers might have been like, if it weren’t for the first arrests within just a year. Even the writers, who were loyal to communism, were disliked by the Chekists {security officers of the first secret police of the Soviet Union}. After Mykhailo Yalovy’s arrest, Mykola Khvylovy, foreseeing the upcoming terror, committed suicide. Many others were eventually executed. This generation of artists received an excruciating name «Executed Renaissance”. Today, “Bykivnya Graves” in Kyiv region is the biggest burial place for victims of Stalinist repressions.

Political life of the Western Ukraine that became a part of the newly created Polish Republic was fairly eventful. Ukrainians were even allowed to have their own representatives in the parliament. Their party was called Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO) and its main goal was to obtain independence for Ukraine by legal means.
However, not everyone was so democratic. In 1920, Yevhen Konovalets founded the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO). It consisted of former groupings of Sich Riflemen and the Galician Army. Nine years later, UMO was reformed in Vienna, and that is how the well-known OUN, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, appreared. The ideology of OUN was based on the “Integral Nationalism” by Dmytro Dontsov, according to whom, the interests of the nation justify any means of achieving them, even terror.

During the WWII, proactive Ukrainians tried to proclaim the Act of Restoration of the Ukrainian State. When they failed, they deployed a large-scale resistance movement. On October 14, 1942, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA) was formed. Aside from resisting the German occupants, they were also involved in confrontations with the Soviet partisans and the Polish army. The death of Roman Shukhevych in the 1950s is considered the end of nationalists’ armed struggle. His successors, unfortunately, failed to preserve the liberation movement. However, it will be revived during the dissident times at the beginning of 1960-80s.

As for the national and cultural component, well, it thrived in the 1960s. Ukraine underwent a real uplift in art. During this period, new talents, that were not yet bound or subjugated by "social realism" were rapidly emerging. Today, they are commonly known as The Sixtiers. This movement brought together all forms of artistic expression to promote a national revival and a struggle against Russification. A few of its representatives included Vasyl Stus, Ivan Drach, Ivan Svitlychny, Lina Kostenko, Alla Horska, Serhiy Paradzhanov and Vasyl Symonenko. The latter, along with other poets, found graves of victims of Stalinist repression, for which he was later brutally beaten and eventually died.

Despite their scale, the artists did not have widespread support among the population. Cultural nights of the Sixtiers were repeatedly dispersed by the party’s order. The climax came in the premier of Paradzhanov’s movie “Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors”. Before the screening, Ivan Dzyuba came on stage and spoke on yet another wave of arrests of the Ukrainian intelligentsia. Vasyl Stus and Vyacheslav Chornovil joined him from the hall. Later, all of the protesters were arrested. Those events were later highlighted in the movie “Censored”, which we recommend you to watch.

Nowadays, humanism is more important than any other human quality. Everybody should know this, but sadly our enemies don't. It is difficult to imagine that, in the course of evolution, such at first glance obvious things, have long been outside the realm of politics. Do you remember the Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted in France at the end of XVIII century as a result of revolution? A similar universal document appeared only in 1948. What about the USSR then? Under the Soviet rule, the Communist Party set all possible freedoms: people are a state’s instrument, therefore they have to satisfy its needs and most certainly correspond with them. Human rights activists, who were against such politics, were constantly persecuted. However, after 1975, this movement gained a new momentum.

The Helsinki Final Act was signed at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which, among other things, defined the human rights in every country-participant. Within a year in the USSR, the Ukrainian Helsinki Group emerged in order to implement the above-mentioned agreements. It is thought that the founders of this group were a poet Mykola Rudenko and a Major General, as well as a Crimean Tatar human rights activist Petro Hryhorenko. Over time, the next organization will be founded based on its predecessor – Ukrainian Helsinki Union.

The political and economic crises of the Soviet Union progressed like cancer. Nikolai Gorbachev, the final General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, tried to improve the situation without any success. Allowing the economy market to dictate its own course and directly regulating it, taking a publicity course and censoring it at the same time indicated the failure of the Soviet policy. Among the factors triggering the collapse was also the disaster at the Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant near Kyiv.

The nuclear accident occurred on April 26, 1986, when the No. 4 reactor exploded and emitted radioactive emissions that are equivalent to 300 atomic bombings of Hiroshima. The state officials hid the fact of the catastrophe for some time. Labor Day {May 1} was marked by a solemn parade in the capital of the Ukrainian SSR and the number of people exposed to radiation is still difficult to confirm. The Chornobyl disaster remains one of the largest catastrophes in history, and its consequences remain significant. It was the silence that undermined the trust in the government and led to the awakening of Ukrainians.

The opposition started by the dissidents was gaining momentum: public associations and informal organizations were being formed. Among them were The Ukrainian Helsinki Union, The Taras Shevchenko Society and The Organization of National Movement of Crimean Tatars.

However, it is worth paying attention to the People's Movement of Ukraine for Perestroika {Reconstruction}, founded in September 1989, which became an important part of public and political life and had influenced the formation of a multiparty system. For the first time, all democratic groups in Ukraine were united. The participants of the movement held massive protests and actions.

On January 21, 1990, thousands of people joined hands and formed a human chain on the roads from Lviv to Kyiv to honor of The Unification Act {Act Zluky} between the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. This action demonstrated the unity of Ukrainian people and became a tradition for a long time.

Political and economic crises of the Soviet Union continued to deepen and those willing to preserve “utopia” of communism were seeking for new ways out. In order to get rid of their main headache, conservatives planned to sign a new union contract. It was supposed to reform the USSR and create a new state. However, there were those who disagreed.

On October 2nd, 1990, the Action of Civic Disobedience took place and was later named “Revolution on Granite”. A little tent city emerged on the Independence Square. Students from Kyiv, Lviv, Drohobych and Dnipro went on a hunger strike and submitted claims to the authorities. In particular, preventing the union contract from being signed. The authorities met their desires. Thus, the students brought us closer to independence and served as an example for all future generations of protesters.

Vyacheslav Chornovil urged taking advantage of the precarious position of the Soviet apparatus, but Leonid Kravchuk, former Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, lacked determination. The expected turmoil began when it became clear that the August Putsch {Coup} failed and the doors to independence are widely opened.

On August 24, the Verkhovna Rada adopted The Act of Declaration of Independence of Ukraine. The formal approval of this document took place at an all-Ukrainian referendum along with election of the first president. 90.32% of citizens voted in favor of our independence and as early as the next day, it was recognized by Poland and Canada.

On June 28, 1996, members of the Verkhovna Rada adopted Constitution and in September of the same year, a monetary reform followed: hryvnia became the Ukrainian currency.

The confrontation intensified during the 2004 presidential election. The second round of the election was contested between the Pro-Western candidate and opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko and the incumbent pro-Russian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych. Although the Central Election Commission announced the victory of the latter, observers and voters reported numerous electoral fraud.

Residents of many Ukrainian cities attended rallies. Mass demonstrations in support of Yushchenko were named after the color that symbolized the candidate's political campaign - The Orange Revolution. As a result, authorities were forced to agree with the people and hold another round. In the wake of his election, President Viktor Yushchenko embarked on a course of rapprochement with the European Union.

Another presidential election took place in 2010. This time, without any scandals, the Ukrainian government was headed by Viktor Yanukovych. He followed the same political course as his predecessor, but in late 2013, he refused to sign the European Union - Ukraine Association Agreement, shifting the country's policy towards Russia.
Ukraine's dissatisfied citizens are once again staging pro-European demonstrations. It all began with a peaceful protest by a group of young people, which was illegally dispersed by security forces. The following day, protesters flooded the streets of Kyiv. One of the most prominent places of popular resistance was Independence Square in Kyiv, which later gave protests their first name, "Euromaidan".

Its second name – Revolution of Dignity – appeared at the beginning of 2014, when "Berkut" officers got permission to use weapons against Maidan activists. The first hundred of innocent victims killed by the security forces are immortalized as the “Heavenly Hundred Heroes”. The protesters also take up arms, forcing Yanukovych to flee. Of course, he finds refuge in Russia.

After the first deaths in Kyiv, the protests spread almost all across most parts of the country. Maidan activists seize regional state administrations – the hearth of the local presidential power – however, in the Eastern parts of the country, they are beaten out by so-called "titushky". There were often casualties. Kharkiv and Odessa became symbols of resistance. At the same time the pro-Russian administration of these cities was either supporting Yanukovych or laying low.

The new provisional administration approves the Association Agreement, which, apparently, did not sit well with the Kremlin. Russia deploys yet another aggression against Ukraine. Early in the year, it finances and supports the “anti-Maidan” movements in many Ukrainian cities. However, the pro-European forces largely prevail.

At the end of February 2014, Russian army begins a military intervention in Crimea. At the same time, the militants involved do not wear any insignia, thus receiving the nickname “little green men”. As early as March 16, under the muzzles of occupying forces a “referendum” on joining Russia was conducted on the peninsula. As opposed to the overwhelming majority of all the world countries, the aggressor country recognizes the “will of the people” and appoints its own authorities in Crimea. Ukrainian leaders decided to try to liberate its territories from invaders in a diplomatic way, but their attempts were unsuccessful.

The new 'government' shows its true colors immediately by repressing dissentients. The apogee was the outlaw of the executive-representative body of indigenous people of Crimea – the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People – in 2016. The number of political prisoners in occupied Crimea has long exceeded a hundred. The dissentients regularly disappear under mysterious circumstances.

Over the years, the Russian government has spent a great deal of money spreading its influence and promoting the ideas of "The Unified Russian World", "A Great Russian Culture", "A Mysterious Russian Soul," and "The Bad West". The neighboring countries are most affected by these views, as long years of Russification and a belief of a common "stable happy past" prevent them from living freely.

As an example, Russia's actions spread along at least three axes in the case of the European Union – Ukraine Association Agreement, which Viktor Yanukovych was to sign in November 2013. Firstly, it began an extensive information campaign, then refused to cooperate with the government of Ukraine and finally financed the "popular resistance" – the anti-Maidan movement demonstrations. After it became clear that it didn’t work out, armed aggression began. Thus, the researchers call such an approach “hybrid war”.

Exposure of fakes:

Now we know that the Kremlin has been carefully laying the groundwork for another “reunification of peoples”: pro-Russian parties have been holding more seats in all levels of government; the rights of Russian language could not be encroached upon; pupils studied Russian literature separately; Russian movies in cinemas have been insanely popular, and Ukrainian stars preferred earning money in Russia. Those regions that have been in the "friendly embrace"

As a result, the "anti-Maidans" were especially effective in eastern and southern Ukraine, where the main participants were marginals and "titushky". Such colorful, but not very numerous formations have even announced the creation of "people's republics" in some cities. The citizens of those cities paid little attention to this, believing that everything would settle on its own, but the Kremlin had other plans

In summer, thanks to the organized resistance, Ukrainian forces managed to liberate Lyman, Mariupol, Slovyansk, Kramatorsk, Druzhkivka, Kostyantynivka, Bakhmut, Toretsk, Avdiyivka, Maryinka, Shchastya, Rubizhne, Severodonetsk, Lysychansk and many other towns. In attempt to resolve the situation diplomatically, Ukraine signs disadvantageous “Minsk agreements”, hoping for the West’s help, but it was in vain. As of 2019, 24 cities of regional significance and 18 districts were under temporary occupation. Millions of peaceful residents had no other choice than flee from their own homes, since lawlessness and violation of human rights prevailed in the occupied territories.

Bewildered Ukrainian people quickly managed to come to their senses and establish a strong volunteer movement. Ukrainians have already long known organizations that could be trusted and consistently supported them – physically or financially. Volunteers are often compared to Saint Nicholas, because they are literally able to get anything under any circumstances to bring our victory closer.

Furthermore, volunteer detachments demonstrate unwavering courage. They have been demonstrating recklessness since the battles for Donetsk airport, during which 72 Ukrainian warriors held back forces that greatly outnumbered them for 242 days until January 22, 2015. Even the enemies called them "cyborgs". This word was used for every hero and became a synonym of invincibility, courage and resistance. The feat of Donetsk airport defenders inspired many artists and in 2017 a movie "Cyborgs: Heroes Never Die" by Akhtem Seitablayev was released.

Looking for logic in the words of Kremlin is a Sisyphean task. For the last 8 years, the Russian Federation strongly denied its involvement in the events in Eastern Ukraine. Senior officials of the Russian government brazenly chanted the same mantras: "We are not there", "It is a civil war". However, the imperialistic nature eventually starts to show and when there is nothing to hide anymore, they boldly call someone else's territories "primordially Russian" that "favors their accession".

Russian Federation's rhetoric reminds that of an abuser: as if, the victim provoked him by wearing a skirt too short. However, it is important never to forget that it is always the rapist to blame.

Russia launched an active hybrid war against Ukraine in 2014. Under the slogan "Crimea Belongs To Us",it occupied the peninsula, and also tried to shake the southeastern regions and force separatism. After that failed, it began occupying Donbas. Ukraine, however, unexpectedly repelled and the aggressor lurked.

At the beginning of 2022, approximately 200,000 Russian troops were stationed on Russia's borders withUkraine and Belarus, divided into 60 battle groups.

In a statement made on February 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin recognized the independence of the occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk, and three days later, at 5 a.m. on February 24, he declared a "special military operation" under his army’s attack. The large-scale military invasion began with Russian missiles attacking airfields and military facilities across Ukraine, heavy equipment and manpower crossing borders from Russia, Belarus and the occupied Crimea. A number of cities were hit, including Chernihiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, Odesa, Mykolaiv, Kherson, and Mariupol. Kyiv was planned to be captured within 3-5 days. However, the enemy was driven away from Kyiv, Chernihiv and Sumy within a month, liberating the partially occupied territory.

Did you hear these statements? Russia's military leadership and its own armyseem to be living in parallel worlds or, if you face the truth facts, are lying about the crimes they'vecommitted. From day one, Russia has been razing our cities and villages with artillery and missiles. Whilethey destroyed a great deal of military, industrial and infrastructural facilities, they also wiped out a great deal of parks, museums, schools, universities, galleries, zoos, libraries, and thousands of homes. Along with civilians.

The scale of Russia's crimes in the occupied territories can only be assessed after their  liberation. Thus,the inhuman behavior of the aggressors was revealed after Bucha and Irpin cities in Kyiv region were released from their grasp. Streets full of corpses, tortured to death people in their homes, blown-up cars with people who were trying to evacuate… Once you have seen it, you will never forget it. As well as almost every story of those who were lucky to survive. From these stories, we know that the invaders kill, torture, rape, rob and destroy.

They destroy even Ukrainian historic monuments. Think about the monument to Taras Shevchenko in Borodyanka, Kyiv region, whose head was shot by Russian soldiers, and The National Literary and Memorial Museum of Hryhoriy Skovoroda in Kharkiv region that is located a bit farther away from the frontline, yet struck by shelling.

The information front of resistance to Russian Federation is just as important as the military one. During wartime, the Ukrainian state apparatus has developed a clear scheme of informing the public, so that civilians are not affected by uncertainty, diplomats demonstrate a miraculous professionalism spreading the truth in Western countries, and journalists and bloggers follow the guidance.

One of good and available to everyone ways to fight against the invaders is ridiculing. Memes help to guide aggression into the right direction, unite like-minded people, teach to be emphatic and inspire to continue the battle for the sake of Ukraine's unity. Let us remind some of them: 'Our Russophobia is still insufficient', 'Our father is Bandera', 'Russian warship, go f*ck yourself', 'How are you holding on, -kitchen cabinet?'